"This is proof, explained Ben-Gvir to his supporters, that "the people of Israel connected [to the message], the people of Israel understood." This recurring speech is the ethos of Otzma Yehudit, of Ben-Gvir himself and, to a large extent, of the entire extreme right. At this point, it also seems to represent the State of Israel: pulling unceasingly rightward with no surrender until the moment of truth arrives. And behold, it has arrived.”
Ahh yes, the "deliberative sense of the Community,” of the “virtuous people” of Willmoore Kendall’s Schmittian ideology. It’s exciting seeing it in action in Israeli fascism! Little wonder these fanatics are so close to our own right-wing fanatics, like Trump and DeSantis, and all their “Little Conservatives.”
Otzma Yehudit leader, National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir.Credit: Sraya Diamant / Image editing: Masha Zur Gluzman
In meetings with members of the far-right Otzma Yehudit party over the past year, its leader, Itamar Ben-Gvir, has often told the same tale – a sort of war story.
“You remember,” he told them at a meeting in March, “many times, when we ran in national elections, they said it wasn't realistic that we would get into the Knesset.”
A few months later, at a different gathering, he reminded his audience: “They said about me: ‘He doesn't have a chance, it's a waste to vote [for him], he won't get enough votes.’”
And here comes the punch, or the moral of the story: "You have to know that sometimes, when you start a process, it seems far-fetched, impossible and unrealistic.”
The party members know the rest of the story very well; many have even been part of it from the beginning. Even so, he succeeds in motivating them. Like any good storyteller, Ben-Gvir knows how to lead his listeners along his path, engaging them in the story as if it were a guided meditation, until they find themselves within it.
far-right activist Benzi Gopstein stands outside an Otzma Yehudit party event in Harish, northern Israel, last month.Credit: Amir Levy
“[You need] faith in the Almighty. Trust in God. Determination. And to really know that it can happen. That if you will it, it is no dream,” he echoed Herzl's motto at a different meeting, all the while gesturing forward with his right hand. "To walk the path, to walk with this truth."
The end of the story is also its climax: in the last elections, the joint slate of Otzma Yehudit, Religious Zionism and Noam won 14 seats for their far-right alliance, the most the parties have garnered.
This is proof, explained Ben-Gvir to his supporters, that "the people of Israel connected [to the message], the people of Israel understood." This recurring speech is the ethos of Otzma Yehudit, of Ben-Gvir himself and, to a large extent, of the entire extreme right. At this point, it also seems to represent the State of Israel: pulling unceasingly rightward with no surrender until the moment of truth arrives. And behold, it has arrived.
But the party's success in the Knesset election was already an established fact. They also got used to the concentration of power in the hands of senior party officials. Unlike other Israelis, none of the members of Otzma Yehudit are surprised that they’re sitting around the government table. On the contrary: they want more. And more than that, they are convinced that they need to achieve more.
This is why Otzma Yehudit has, in the past year, been working on a new story: running in local elections. Party members believe that this is the only way that they can become an unstoppable political force.
Celebrations at Otzma Yehudit headquarters in Jerusalem, after Israeli news outlets published their polls of the general election, in November.Credit: Ohad Zwigenberg
The plot lines are far-reaching, and so are the characters: they operate from Be'er Sheva to Kiryat Shmona, under the direction of senior party officials and, in due course, with the necessary funding. Each of them wants to succeed, to follow in the footsteps of Ben-Gvir, the man from the fringes who rose to greatness. To finally become the protagonist.
In recent months, Haaretz has been following this project closely. It has been taking place outside the spotlight, behind the scenes of the frequent coalition controversies and the protests against the judicial overhaul, but it has been steadily moving forward since the election results came in in November.
They are working especially hard now, in preparation for the critical moment at the end of October – the municipal elections. This is a defining moment for Otzma Yehudit, and its leaders are well aware of it. “This is the challenge right now, to bring in as many representatives as possible,” Ben-Gvir told his staff, “we can win.”
A well-organized local support base
Otzma Yehudit's original plan was to build the party from the bottom up, from the local level to the national, to create a broad base for the pyramid and to accumulate power from there. That is why it elected regional and departmental leaders, field coordinators and even neighborhood coordinators in recent years.
Each of them was sent on a mission on behalf of the party and progressed from one stage to another, with the primary goal of recruiting supporters and adding them to the party's database. For example, a coordinator would be required to hold a party event in their area by a certain date, and to come out of it with 100 new supporters.
This method of operation is not spontaneous, but is based on a tried and true method. Negev and Galilee Development Minister Yitzhak Wasserlauf, the party's former leader, adopted this approach after seeing how well it serves parties like Yesh Atid and Shas, which are currently considered gurus in political fieldwork, each in its own way.
Otzma Yehudit's director-general Itiel Neiman, in Harish, last month.Credit: Amir Levy
“We knew how many supporters we have everywhere, because we built a well-organized local support base, and that's what brought us success in the national election,” confirmed Wasserlauf in a conversation with Haaretz. “Now, thanks to this, we have the tools to support representatives locally.”
Through their success in the Knesset election, Otzma Yehudit acquired a critical tool: the financing units, which allow the party to provide monetary and professional support to its candidates in local elections. When the alternatives are taking out personal loans or relying on wealthy donors, support from a party is a valuable asset for any candidate in municipal elections. The question is how to choose those candidates.
Although he does not hold an official position within the party, sources familiar with the organization of Otzma Yehudit are under the impression that Gopstein is a dominant figure within it. “It's Benzi who runs the business. He approaches the candidates with proposals, and he runs this event," said one of them. Haaretz has learned that Gopstein is also a co-administrator of the WhatsApp group of party representatives who are preparing for local elections.
“Itiel and Benzi sat down with me and said that they want representatives to run throughout the country," said one potential representative who turned down the offer. "But to be part of such a group… it immediately labels you.”
Bn-Gvir, center, and Moshe Ben Zikri, right, at Harish, last month.Credit: Amit Levy
Another candidate who is still weighing the option explained that Otzma Yehudit's behavior since rising to power has left him skeptical. “They don’t seem serious, many people already don’t believe in them. How can I make promises to voters when Otzma Yehudit does not implement its ideology in the government?”
No achievements on a national level
Similar criticism is also being voiced within the party ranks. In just nine months, the joint right-wing slate that Otzma Yehudit ran on dropped in the polls from 14 to eight or nine Knesset seats. “If we could choose when the [municipal] elections, the party would prefer them to be at a different time,” said a party source who was involved in the last election campaign. “We can't appeal to the public locally when we don't have achievements on a national level.”
This is particularly significant in the settlements, but according to him, the party will achieve success in its real strongholds – the cities on the social periphery – due to their increasing distress, friction with the Arab population and growing receptiveness to the right-wing camp. The party will do well “wherever there are problems, like Lod,” said the source. “Because from extremism, people move even further toward extremism.” They have not yet decided who the candidate in Lod will be.
This is also the case in other important cities such as Tel Aviv-Jaffa, where anti-asylum seeker activist Sheffi Paz has rejected their offer. Still, just three months before the election, coters can already sort the party's candidates into two main categories. Alongside candidates who have served as past or current city council members – either independently or as members of other parties – there are also longstanding and dedicated activists who lack political experience. These activists have been waiting a long time for an opportunity, for their moment to shine in the political spotlight.
Aharon Demari is one such candidate, an activist in the party who led the recent blockade of entrances to kibbutzim – and the holder of a criminal record. He is currently running for a seat on the Kiryat Shmona city council. Others include the regional coordinators Shmulik Moskowitz from Acre and Doron Greenberg from Kiryat Motzkin.
Protesters gathered outside the party's event in Harish, last month.Credit: Amir Levy
Moshe Ben Zikri is another, more prominent, example. On July 4, he hosted the largest event of his life, at his home in Harish, attended by friends from all over the country, and especially by residents of his city. The 45-year-old Ben Zikri wore tailored pants and a blue button-down shirt with a Mandarin collar. He radiated excitement. The dozens of protesters demonstrating outside his house seemed to annoy him a bit, but they did not take the smile off his face. He even had his kids bring them cookies and drinks. Ben Zikri, admittedly, pulls at the heartstrings.
His past, on the other hand, evokes horror. About a decade ago, when he lived in Jerusalem, Ben Zikri was known for being an extreme right-wing activist, a member of the anti-miscegenation group Lehava. He was also arrested several times for his work in opposition to Israel's LGBTQ Pride parades.
His regular defense attorney in court hearings was Ben-Gvir. In an interview published in “Walla!” at that time, he admitted that he was living in hiding in order to avoid the wrath of the Shin Bet. Now that his former lawyer has been appointed national security minister, Ben Zikri has also allowed himself to dream: he aspires to become the mayor of Harish.
Ben Zikri came to the city, located on the northern border with the West Bank, around four years ago and very quickly got to work. He founded an organization called Shomrei Ha’aretz (“Guardians of the Land”), which functions in practice as an auxiliary security force against car thefts and the entry of unauthorized immigrants. He has called for the establishing night checkpoints at the entrance to the city.
Aryeh King, the deputy mayors of Jerusalem.Credit: Olivier Fittousi
Eli Rubin, a local journalist who attended the July gathering, said that the organization is a powerful force in the city, and is also connected with the local police, who receive its assistance. “Listen, these are guys with fire in their eyes,” said Rubin. “A car gets stolen, and they all go looking for it, they enter villages with weapons and everything. Serious guys.”
Ben-Gvir is also a leftist
It appears that Otzma Yehudit thinks so, too. Despite lacking any municipal experience, Ben Zikri is one of the only two candidates that Otzma Yehudit is running for a mayoral position so far. In his speech, Ben Zikri spoke moderately. He emphasized that “there is room for all of us in the city,” focusing primarily on the sense of security, but also discussing his plans for welfare and employment.
Rubin explained that here in Harish, Ben Zikri is an underdog, but, like the other five candidates in the race, he also knows that it’s difficult to predict who will win in this city, where the overwhelming majority of the residents only moved in after the last election. According to Rubin’s analysis, it may be expected that, like Ben-Gvir in the Knesset election, Ben Zikri is the candidate who will “make the most noise” in the upcoming elections in Harish.
Outside of Ben Zikri’s home in July, it was the protestors who were making the noise – opponents of the judicial overhaul, who were also waiting for Ben-Gvir. It is clear that those participating in the event itself were also waiting for him first and foremost, with possibly one exception.
Haifa City Council Member Yoav Ramati, right, in 2019.Credit: Rami Shlush
“There are leftists here, and Ben-Gvir is also a leftist. But this is the lesser evil, so I'm here,” said one of the guests, before the evening officially began. As he sees it, when it comes to security, the State of Israel needs to learn from Adolph Hitler. He repeated this again and again. “He did a very smart thing – he oppressed us, starved us, and we really couldn’t do anything against him,” he said. “For every stone thrown, we need to cut off electricity, cut off water, no food – until they understand.”
He conceded that even in the yard of Ben Zikri’s home, he believed he would not find a majority who would endorse his outlook. But as he attested in his words, as far as he and those like him are concerned, Otzma Yehudit provides a political outlet to some extent, even if they see it as the lesser evil. That is why he voted for the party in national elections. That is why he came to the gathering.
Afterward, Ben Zikri asked to make clear that he strongly repudiates that guest and statements like his. Then another resident appeared, a social activist who also spoke at the event and sat at the table of dignitaries next to Ben Zikri and the party's director-general, Neiman.
He said that he was arrested and detained as a security prisoner during the riots in mixed Arab-Jewish cities during the Gaza operation in 2021, for wounding Arabs in Beit Hanina. He came to the event to relate that when he was serving a long house arrest, there appeared at the door of his home “an angel by the name of Moshe Ben Zikri.” He said that he was speaking in order to give credit to Ben Zikri, who “took action to ensure my welfare and the welfare of my family.”
Finally, Ben-Gvir arrived, and everybody who had lost interest in the sequence of speeches perked up. Many rushed to ask for selfies, children climbed onto the plastic chairs to get the best view of the popular leader. At the head of the enthusiasts was Taher, a resident of the Arab city of Kafr Qara. "I love you, Ben-Gvir," he told him. The whole audience cheered: "Great Taher!"
Gadi Mazoz, the deputy mayor of Be'er Sheva.Credit: Eliyahu Hershkovitz
At this event, Ben-Gvir primarily tried to sprinkle stardust over the candidate, to enhance his stature and to emphasize how close he is to the central government, that is, to Ben-Gvir himself. “Look at what he's doing now, without being mayor, without getting power from the government, and see how many projects,” he told them about Ben Zikri. "He's enlisting me [to give] more and more police officers. Hold on, Moshiko, we haven't started distributing the police yet! But he won't leave me alone."
They’re not all Ben Zikri. There are also people in the second category, the candidates with experience. Most of them advanced in their political careers within rival parties, and are now seeking new political backing. According to several sources within and around the party, this is the group favored by the leaders of Otzma Yehudit. “This is Benzi’s approach—he arrives in a city, throws a grenade and sees what emerges from the ground,” explained a source. “Whoever's been thrown out of Likud, whoever's not being treated well by Religious Zionism, whoever's being ignored by Shas.”
In exchange, these “stepchildren” bring the reputation and municipal support that they have built up for themselves, and they compensate for the party's lack of municipal experience. Examples of this kind of candidate include Haifa City Council Member Yoav Ramati, and Gila Ben Naim, a veteran member of Habayit Hayehudi and a former Petah Tikva city council member, who is now the representative of Otzma Yehudit in the city. According to a source in contact with them, as far as some of these candidates are concerned, the connection is purely technical. “After all, at the synagogue, there are quite a few people for whom the name ‘Ben-Gvir’ is not exactly a hot commodity,” he said. “There are people who run with [Otzma Yehudit], but their hearts are elsewhere.”
Israeli singer Benny Elbaz. He intends to run for mayor of Ramle.Credit: Eyal Toueg
The campaign fell apart
Gadi Mazoz and Aryeh King, the deputy mayors of Be'er Sheva and Jerusalem, respectively, are expected to be the senior representatives of the party in the upcoming elections.
King, aged 49, is a well-known right-wing activist who has been involved for years in efforts to Judaize East Jerusalem, but since 2013, he has had no party backing, and has been independent. Now he is trying to force Otzma Yehudit, Religious Zionism and the anti-LGBTQ Noam party to unite, as they did in the national election, in which they garnered almost 40,000 votes in Jerusalem. However, he admits that as of now, there has been no progress in these efforts. “I try to speak with them on a straight, rational level,” he explained, “but, as usual, there are egos, positions and questions of precedence – who'll be first.”
Mazoz, aged 54, is a veteran member of the bygone National Religious Party and an experienced council member. His name became associated with Otzma Yehudit in the last Knesset election, when he led the party's municipal campaign. When it comes to Mazoz’s political priorities, personal security – a party mainstay – holds second place. He prefers to speak more about matters like welfare and education. He defines himself as a socialist, but emphasizes that he is also committed to the messages of Otzma Yehudit.
Mazoz organized the campaign launch for Otzma Yehudit in his city, in the elections last March. He still seems disappointed with the small number of supporters who showed up. “Even the campaign that we built mostly fell apart,” he said. “There are people there who are disappointed in Ben-Gvir.” And still, he clarified, in Be'er Sheva, Otzma Yehudit's stock is rising: “The Torah of Ben-Gvir, or the Torah of Rav Kahane – today, people are waking up" and becoming receptive to these messages in the periphery. "In Be'er Sheva, the city is fleeing. There’s not much time left before it'll become a mixed city like Ramle.”
If there are cities where Otzma Yehudit places special emphasis, they are the places where it received the most support in the Knesset election: the “mixed cities,” or cities where there is constant friction between Jewish and Arab residents. In Jerusalem and Lod, Bezalel Smotrich and Ben-Gvir's slate received 14 to 15 percent of the votes. In Acre, Be'er Sheva, Bat Yam and Ramle, its strength increased threefold – from a few percentage points in each city to a double-digit number.
The singer Benny Elbaz is still looking into the necessary details, but his TikTok account has already leaked the news: He intends to run for mayor of Ramle. He is convinced that he stands a chance against current mayor Michael Vidal and the legendary mayor who returned for his last round, Yoel Lavi. After a lifetime on the fringes of Israeli politics – 30 years in the ranks of Shas, and two years as a member of Otzma Yehudit – he believes that his time has come.
Truthfully, he did not come up with this idea on his own. He received the suggestion from the head of the party five months ago. Elbaz hesitated slightly before making the fateful choice. “Itamar more or less decided for me,” he said. “He told me that we will win in Ramle.” In order to make his candidacy official, he needed to change his residential address from Nes Tziona to the city in which he grew up. But he did manage to say yes.
Elbaz, a perceptive and opinionated person, said that his relationship with Ben-Gvir was love at first sight. He watched a video of Ben-Gvir and Baruch Marzel brawling with Arabs in Hebron and was immediately captivated. He said that eight minutes passed from the time that he watched the video until a mutual friend connected them. “I divorced Arye Dery and married Itamar Ben-Gvir,” he said, laughing. “We used to speak every other day. I would sit and give him all kinds of ideas. I write him messages sometimes, telling him ‘You're crazy.’ But he doesn’t care, he has a goal in life.”
At a time when the entire country is still trying to make sense of Ben-Gvir, to explain him, it seems that Elbaz’s enthusiasm is the best lesson that can be learned about the magnetic appeal of the man, and, consequently, of all of Otzma Yehudit. “He attaches himself to people, embraces them, speaks with them. He spends all day on phone calls, talking to everybody,” said Elbaz. “When he takes the stage, he is quite a demagogue, like all leaders in the world. But he says things in a sharp way, that go straight into your heart, precisely touching all the sore spots.”
Otzma Yehudit is a point of convergence for many people who have not found themselves in life: people with political zeal (from the absolute extreme right), of course, but also those who often stand on the margins of society, lacking means and education. For them, Ben-Gvir is a unique role model. Like any other successful leader, he too gives them the feeling that he sees them and appreciates them as they are. Above all, it seems that he instills in them, perhaps for the first time in their lives, a real meaning – and not just for him and his party. “We are your strength, Ben-Gvir,” one of the party members told him last year, admiringly. Ben-Gvir immediately corrected him: “No, no. You are not my strength. You are the strength of the people of Israel.”
The municipal elections are the opportunity for many of them to prove to him, and also to themselves, that they can indeed succeed. To show that the party’s faith in them and the dedication they give it in return, will propel the party to the next stage, to real political power. Decisive proof that Otzma Yehudit is here to stay can only come from making gains in local elections. Only then will it be clear that Ben-Gvir was right.
